Robert McCullen, an eighth grader at North Duplin Junior/Senior High School, may now resume wearing the Confederate cap that caused him to be "disciplined." The school has now
completely revamped its dress code, which previously specifically banned Confederate symbols.
The common denominator in all these cases was the SLRC, which worked with the students and parents involved in each case to draft letters to the respective school boards
acquainting them with the Castorina decision and pointing out that the schools' actions constituted constitutional and civil rights violations. This is the SLRC's first "level" of response in such matters; the next step
would have been for the parents to retain the SLRC as counsel. (The next issue of the Update will examine in detail the SLRC's step-by-step method of dealing with school officials in Confederate symbols cases.)
And finally ... the judge said it himself.
We thought our readers would be interested in the following exchange during recent oral arguments, between the judge and an attorney for the Defendants in the
case of Curtis Blaine Storey v. Burns International Security Service. This is one of several cases in which the SLRC is attempting to demonstrate that from a civil rights standpoint, Confederate Southern Americans
are in fact a legitimate ethnic group and entitled to legal protection as such. The judge, the Hon. Theodore McKee, is a Clinton appointee, but he is also capable of thinking for himself. He gets it, which is more than
can be said for the defendants' counsel. Read on ...
BY THE COURT:
How do we define national origin, that's an incredibly elusive concept. Congress apparently has the good sense not to try to define it, figured they'd stick the
courts with that job. What is national origin?
BY MR. STEPHEN:
As Your Honor knows, the Espinoza case the court said by national origin we mean the country which your ancestors came from.
BY THE COURT:
But it doesn't mean that because as was said earlier a Puerto Rican can clearly bring a national origin claim; someone from the Basque my guess is, I know a case like
this, but if it was someone working in a plant and the foreperson on the floor was from Spain, had a Spanish heritage, and one of the workers wanted to promote a symbol of the Basque region of Spain, that claim would
probably be -- it may well be that the separatists in Canada who want to secede, might want to have a separate section for Quebec, if that were transplanted to the U.S. with a Canadian foreperson it may be -- I don't know,
but it may be that the courts would say well, that is a national origin claim. Clearly Chechnya, what's going on in Russia now, if you had a foreperson working for you has a complaint in the U.S., who was Russian, and
found out that one of his or her employees was from the Chechnya region and wanted to promote symbols of Chechnyan independence, my guess is that that would be a Title VII claim.
BY MR. STEPHEN:
Yes, and without belaboring the point of whether the confederacy -- I don't want to get into a debate about whether the confederacy was a separate nation. What I
would ask this Court to ask itself is when the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was passed is there any indication in the statutory language, the legislative history or anyplace else that the intent of those people who passed that
in 1964 was to give protection as a national origin to Confederate Southern-Americans. And I would submit that there is not a scintilla of evidence to suggest that that statute should be twisted in a way to give that sort
of protection where it was not intended.
BY THE COURT:
Was there any intent to give protection to Cajuns when they passed the '64 Civil Rights Act?
BY MR. STEPHEN:
I would agree, Your Honor, that the Congress did not consider every potentiality that might arise in the future, but I would say given the strife that occurred during
the discussion of that bill, it strains credulity to think that they would have wanted to protect the right of an individual to fly the confederate flag in the workplace. In fact as the Courts ---
BY THE COURT:
Would it protect Cajuns, would they be able -- would a person of Cajun ancestry be able to bring a Title VII claim of national origin?
BY MR. STEPHEN:
There are cases, Your Honor, indicating that yes.
BY THE COURT:
I understand that, but in your view are they correctly decided or not?
BY MR. STEPHEN:
I've not thought that hard about whether those are correctly decided because I don't think they're applicable to our situation here, Your Honor. Because I think
again, Title VII does not give national origin protection to a Confederate Southern-American.
BY THE COURT:
One reason this case is so difficult it seems to me is because it comes with an awful lot of baggage. And you read the briefs and there's an immediate visceral
response, and it's what makes law so difficult because the same law, the same Title VII that applies to an employee is going to apply to everybody else in that workplace. So we can't simply say that Congress didn't
intend to deny the protection of national origin to a Confederate American, it's obvious Congress never thought of it. Had they been asked my guess is almost certainly yeah, you would be right; but there's nothing in
the record one way or the other to support that guess, and it's only a guess and there's a visceral reaction.
BY MR. STEPHEN:
Again, Your Honor, I guess looking at the argument that Mr. Storey makes, his ancestors are from the state of Virginia, one of the original Colonies, one of the
signatories to the Constitution that created the one nation. So his ancestry is by definition the United States of America. We did cite the cases that indicate it was always one nation, but I think that's beside the
point. You have to look at the statutory language national origin, and there's nothing in that that would cause one to believe that somebody being from the state of Virginia, or in fact being from the South, or in fact
being from states which were previously in the confederacy gives rise to a new nation.
BY THE COURT:
But isn't that always the case in a regional claim, the person who identifies with the region will always be a citizen of some country; the person from Basque is a
citizen of Spain, the person from Quebec who wants to secede from Canada is a Canadian, the Chechnyans who are blowing up the Moscow subways are Russians?
BY MR. STEPHEN:
Yes, and I think that's the problem with trying to extend the statute and the concept of national origin at least with regard to the United States, two separate
regions. Now admittedly in other parts of the world that the geography is changing, but if we look at the United States of America I think it's a very bright line test for the Court to draw. And as the EEOC and other
courts have concluded that regionalism doesn't rise to the level of a national origin ---
BY THE COURT:
Is it a temporal inquiry, do we look to see how long it's been since hostilities have ceased to determine whether or not the regional fervor is still -- is
something that we can be cognizant of in Title VII, the more time has passed the lesser the claim? Or is it something more than that?
BY MR. STEPHEN:
No, I would suggest that it would not be a temporal thing...
A Message from SLRC Chief Trial Counsel Kirk D. Lyons:
Dear Supporters,
The annual Spring barrage of School heritage violations is well underway, so I thought this might be a good time to emphasize the vital nationwide role the SLRC is playing in defense of Confederate Southern
Americans and their venerated symbols.
But first, a realistic appraisal of our place in the political/societal pecking order is instructive:
All Democratic Party Presidential hopefuls have openly denounced Confederate symbols.
President Bush and his Republican friends take the Confederate vote for granted, and as a party have made significant moves to distance themselves from Confederate issues. Georgia Republican Governor Perdue
showed that pre-election Republican promises are valueless.
Not a single Southern Governor attended the funeral for the crew of the CSS Hunley - and all were invited.
Chief Justice Moore and his supporters made it clear that Confederate flags were NOT welcome at Alabama Supreme Court vigils, while the 10 Commandments fight was playing out.
Corporate America is waging active warfare against Confederate symbols, witness DuPont, Fru-Con (International engineering firm), major grocery store chains (Bessinger), the South Carolina Chamber of
Commerce, John Deere, Coburg Dairy, Bechtel Engineering.
Most heritage activists are keenly aware of the patent and latent hostility directed at the Confederate community, yet many of these same good people still have a childlike trust in our judicial system.
File a lawsuit, they believe, and “justice” will see that the good guys prevail. Nothing could be further from reality.
The first lesson any lawyer in our ranks must learn is : There is no such thing as justice in a vacuum and ALL CONFEDERATE FLAG CASES ARE POLITICAL. A "political" case is one in which either government
(local, state or federal) or society has a vested interest in the outcome. In political cases involving Confederate symbols, all the rules change. There is one rule or precedent for “protected species” and another set of
“special rules” for handling Confederate cases. How else can the repeated denials of our quest for protection under the law be explained? Attorneys for the Point Lookout POW association and the new counsel on the Texas
Plaques case found this great truth out the hard way.
It should be very clear by now that there is a pernicious institutional bias against Confederate symbols at almost all levels of the judiciary, reinforced by a hostile media establishment and the political
impotence of the Confederate Southern American community.
The Southern Poverty Law Center has gotten into the act in its continuing demonization of the SLRC. The current role they have assigned to us is : Loser. According to the SPLC, we are no longer a
dangerous element of the Vast Right Wing Conspiracy (our former assigned role). Instead, the SLRC, which (they say) is incapable of winning a case, is now just a “cash cow” feeding off the Confederate movement. (This
from a “cash cow” organization with $135 million in assets that has been milking liberals since 1969). And while we don’t win every case, neither do we attempt to suborn perjury to win, as the SPLC’s founder was
arrested for in 1975.
Of all the recent federal Circuit court opinions involving Confederate Heritage in public schools, the 6th Circuit Castorina case (won by the SLRC) is one of only two pro-Confederate free
speech cases on the books. Castorina’s impact continues to climb and is responsible for the overturning of Confederate symbols bans in school districts in Tennessee, Kentucky and North Carolina.
Alone among law firms, the SLRC has pursued legal protection for Confederate Southern Americans, a move that has obviously scared and angered the system. It is equally obvious that the system will move
heaven and earth to crush our legal attempts to protect those of Confederate ancestry. The media, multi-national corporations and government have a heavily vested interest in keeping the millions of citizens with
Confederate ancestry ignorant of their rights and heritage. DuPont, of course, is a classic illustration of what will happen from now on when Confederate Southern Americans challenge injustice in court. We are being told in
case after case that there is NO legal protection for the Confederate community. That there is NO first amendment protection for the Confederate community. That there is NO workplace protection for the Confederate
community.
Within this context, significant Confederate heritage cases have been lost by the Rutherford Institute and private counsel retained by the Point Lookout POW Association, Tennessee Division UDC, and SCV
Divisions in Texas and Florida.
Are all these cases meritless? Are all these different lawyers losers? Incompetent? Of course not. All these cases were sound, well thought out and well pled. And the cases asked only for simple justice.
But simply put they were doomed, the way a Czarist Officer would be doomed in front of one of Josef Stalin’s Courts. Without a vocal and powerful constituency or outraged and focused citizenry behind the case, these cases
will continue to be lost. In other words, the Confederate Community cannot just “leave it to the lawyers” and expect to win.
In such a hostile climate, mere survival is a victory. In its latest Intelligence Report, Morris Dees gloats over the expected demise of the SLRC. We are sorry to disappoint Mr. Dees. We have survived the
DuPont/Dunkirk campaign. We hit our low point, held on and are ready to keep fighting - as long as it takes. It took the Civil rights industry 60 years of courtroom action to overthrow segregation. We are committed to
fight as long, if necessary for the legitimate rights of the Confederate Southern American people. We understand that putting the hypocrisy, venality and corruption of our society, judiciary and government UNDER OATH and ON
THE RECORD, is itself a revolutionary act. We shall continue to declare that the Emperor is naked as long as there is ink in our pen and breath in our bodies.
We will continue to pray for our people and nation. Most especially we will continue to pray that those of Confederate ancestry will come together in their millions to exert the necessary pressures that
will alert the politicians and judges of America to be true to their oaths of office. Helping the DuPont 7 out in front of the DuPont plant every Thursday or joining the vigil in front of the Texas Supreme Court building
is just a start.
And when you in the Confederate community are ready to properly fund the only full time Confederate law firm, we can start turning Dunkirk into Normandy beach-head. There is no financial shortcut to victory.
The choice is up to you!!
Get involved, get active and give generously to the SLRC. Your tax deductible pledge or donation will keep us in the fight.
Faithfully,
Kirk D. Lyons
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